Before I begin the point-by-point discussion, I think it would be important to point out that at least to some extent, we seem to be talking past each other. When I said there needs to be more offense in the DNC, I didn't mean the entire engine should run only on aggressive Trump-bashing. There needs to be a balance between that and extolling the virtues of Hillary as a candidate- at least equal coverage, if not with more emphasis on the former. I think I made this clear in the second post when I said
In a perfect world where traditional political and rhetorical conventions don't exist, the convention in its entirety should have run on the "lesser evil" argument. That's the single strongest argument in their arsenal. But in the real world where that's not fashionable, and some appeals must be made to how supposedly amazing the democratic candidate is, both arguments should be made with at least equal force.
I think a good representation of this was Joe Biden's speech on day 3. I would've liked him to press further on some of the points, but overall this was a respectable presentation for voting democrat this year. I wanted more speeches like this from day one is what I'm saying.
So what I have close to a model is Biden's speech, which, with all its offensive prowess, still had a healthy amount of pro-Hillary positivity sprinkled in. With that said:
You seem to be forgetting the fact that a lot of these progressives are first time voters and are not familiar with Hillary's accomplishments. Think about it for a moment Shamol: Why do you think the older population favored Hillary a lot more than Bernie, leaving aside the whole "SOCIALIST!!!" cuss word? The older voters are more familiar with the Clinton administration and as such have an easier time settling into the idea of a Clinton presidency. The younger voters, who tend to be more progressive (I hate this word, I'm going to just use left or something from now on), see Hillary as more of a centrist, which somehow offends them, so the DNC is basicallly touting her progressive ideals and accomplishments in the hopes of pulling those people back in.
Again, I see what they're trying to do, and I think they've achieved their master plan in the first two days, but I think the said master plan is stupid. I made a small case as to why praising Hillary would not be very effective in wooing the more progressive-minded disgruntled voters in the first post, but let's go back to that discussion again.
Here's the progressive phenomenology. To the progressives, Hillary had low prior acceptability from the get go. She's a part of the establishment (when populism seems to be in vogue in the current climate), she accepted money from Wall Street (which was the model for political activism until Sanders came along and showed them another way), she voted for the Iraq war, the Patriot Act, and was for exclusively traditional marriage until 2012. So going into the campaign, she had low acceptability among the progressive bloc, especially given the Sanders alternative. Throughout the course of this campaign, she exacerbated all of these concerns by repeatedly refusing to release her GS speech transcripts, pulling stunts like
this (link), laughing off concerns of climate activists
(link, and other
link), cozying up to Henry
freaking Kissinger, and the list goes on. All of this is compounded by the role the democratic establishment and media has played in all this, now exposed by the email leak, as well as complaints of election fraud and voter suppression in a number of states. To top it all off, the MSNBC Town Hall answer that I alluded to earlier (apparently you didn't understand the reference,
link) pretty handily demonstrates her concerns for the progressive bloc.
Given this entire picture in the background, as I said in the earlier post, there's only so much extolling Hillary's virtues can do to woo the disgruntled progressives. Which is why I repeatedly keep saying- the strongest arguments for Hillary are not the ones
for Hillary. Which brings us to the next topic.
I think I worded my point pretty poorly. Allow me to explain myself in this way: the reason why, if I'm interpreting your point correctly, a full out offense on Trump wouldn't work so early on the DNC is that it wouldn't have really made much of a convincing argument for the independents or the undecideds or the far left, for that matter. Want to know why?
The answer is simple. They know Trump is godawful.
No they don't. I don't want to pin a particular political position on you, but the centrist-minded democrats repeatedly keep making this (to my mind mistaken and dangerous) assumption. This is something of an intangible, so there's only so much we can do to convince each other. Off the top of my head, let me link to two (more or less popular) Bernie or Bust debates that happened recently on so-called independent media:
Debate among the members of The Young Turks Network after the NY primary
Debate between Secular Talk's Kyle Kulinski and an Illinois Wolf Pac activist
If you pay attention to the arguments made for Bernie or Bust, it's evident that they don't understand the threat of Trump. They either believe he's not
that bad, or think even if he is elected, there's only so much damage he can cause. The problem, as I said, is simply an issue of not taking the enormity of the problem seriously. When these folks think of Trump, I am pretty sure the first they're thinking of is
not that this is the person who said the Geneva convention is a problem, who promised to kill civilians, and advocated torture even if it doesn't work. They think of an out there guy who thinks building a wall would solve all the problem with racist tendencies. They're a disconnect between their perceptions of Trump and what Trump actually is.
Secondly, as Kanzler pointed out, Trump uses populist, anti-establishment rhetoric. He has consistently attacked things like money in politics and TPP. Now do I believe he will come anywhere close to solving these problems? Heck no. But do I believe he has his rhetoric on these issues on point? To an extent, yes. One cannot underestimate the growing distrust of the establishment and support for economic populism among the masses. Trump has something of a crossover appeal especially among independents.
There are other arguments for the disgruntlement among progressives or independents about Hillary as well (consider the "moral red lines" argument Kulinski made, something I believe many first time voters would relate with-
link), and many of them have to do with not understanding the seriousness of Trump as a threat. The only remedy, or at least most effective remedy of all this is to push a very consequentialist ethic-based argument.
If you just say "You should hire me because I'm better than the other guy", that's not really making a convincing argument, even if that's objectively true based on your resume. You want to tout your accomplishments, you want to tout the many good things that you've done for people and positions that you've had in public service and the many people that you've made a good impression on. That's something you want to do and SHOULD do.
As I said in the disclaimer to this post, these two don't need to be mutually exclusive. My main gripe was that the DNC didn't push the offense hard enough on the first two days, like they did in the Biden speech or the John Hutson speech. Regardless, I think to some extent you're underestimating the strength of an anti-Trump offense-based argument here. Your argument would go through smoothly in most other elections, where there is something of a competition between the two parties and there needs to be a careful weighing of the evidences. Just not this one. We have a candidate on one side who is making suggestions that are, seriously, not even debatable. Torture even if it doesn't work isn't something one needs to deliberate on. It has no room whatsoever on the discussion table. So with a candidate like that, what we have isn't a fight between two parties, but a fight between a party and an existential threat. One could be forgiven if we talk a little more about the existential threat than we would in the case of any other election.
And to be sure, I believe we had effective, offense-oriented campaign strategies just of this sort in the past. The one example that comes to my mind is the Johnson-Goldwater election. I don't want to boil down an entire campaign strategy just to one point, but a significant appeal of a potential LBJ presidency was- at least there would be no nuclear war. This was encapsulated in the famous "Daisy Girl" attack ad for LBJ (
link).
The RNC has a lot of Anti-Hillary slamming but provided little to no reasons why anyone should vote Trump other than to have a vote against Hillary. I don't think that's going to make a convincing arguments towards independents. Don't take this argument from me though;
take a look at the data yourself. A sizeable 42% of independents have a less favourable view of Trump, while he failed to convince another 47%.
The hyper-aggressive tactic doesn't really work, going by this.
First, I'm not for a complete adaptation of the RNC model, see the opening disclaimer. Second, as pointed out above, there's a disanalogy between this strategy being targeted at Trump vs. someone else. Trump is a unique phenomenon both in terms of how horrific he is, and also how many people underestimate the severity of his threat. That's the entire argument I've been making in this and the last post.
Except it didn't work, as evident by there being a failed contested convention. And it didn't work for a number of reasons, most notably because even though Cruz was probably the figurehead of the #NeverTrump movement, he himself isn't really better than Trump. Cruz could criticize Trump up and down all day, but at the end of the day, during the primaries, voters knew that by voting Cruz in, they'd basically be getting another version of Trump anyway so might as well vote Trump. Again, this goes back into making criticisms when you're actually in a position to make them. Why do you think Obama's speech last night was so effective at drawing so much attention, and so was Michelle Obama's, and Joe Biden's, and Tim Kaine's, and Bill Clinton for that matter? They're politicians (or in the case of Michelle, private citizens) who aren't in the circle of controversy, and as such they have a more trusting image in the eyes of the public, so their words hurt a lot more.
You misunderstood. I was talking only in the context of the debate where there were serious attacks against Trump. After being repeatedly attacked by Cruz and especially Rubio on healthcare, you could see a decline in his alpha-male vibe and the overall performance. The problem is they didn't keep this up, probably because their donors told them to. There could be something said for the #NeverTrump movement if there were more consistent attacks against in in the debates, but it was a one-off. So of course it didn't work.
Are you using the Now-cast by any chance? You shouldn't; the Now-cast doesn't really take into account post-convention bumps. Nate Silver has already explained that the Now-cast is basically a hyper-aggressive predictor of who would win if the polls were to be held at that particular point in time, basically. You do want to take the Now-cast with a grain of salt when it comes to months where polls are literally swinging back and forth, most notably during convention time. Especially since the DNC isn't even over, looking at the Now-cast is a horrible indicator. The polls plus model is the more probable indicator, if anything, giving Clinton a roughly 60% chance.
I don't take 538 very seriously, especially given the trail of missteps Nate Silver took this season- but that's why my allusion to it was parenthetical, and I mentioned how the data is skewed due to the post-RNC bump. To my mind, due to the myriad intangibles associated with this election season- crossover appeal, campaign strategies, other factors- there's only so much predictive power that can be ascribed to polls in general. If you read my comment in context, you'll note my broader concern is with the fact that a self-proclaimed terrorist has a shot at all at becoming the leader of the free world. While the controversies on the other side may contribute to his success, they're not sufficient to explain this phenomenon. The only adequate explanation in view, as far as I can see, is that the media simply hasn't done their job in fleshing out who Trump is.
At any rate, having this grandiose expectation that Hillary has to align with the progressive wing on every stance is kind of far-fetched, and Obama even said as such in his speech, "And if you're serious about our democracy, you can't afford to stay home just because she might not align with you on every issue. You've got to get in the arena with her, because democracy isn't a spectator sport."
This is a very interesting question: at this point, what should the specific expectations of the progressive base be from the DNC at large and Hillary in specific. While the question deserves threadbare discussion in its own right, I don't think it's very relevant to the discussion we've been having. Our discussion has been framed around phenomenology, i.e. how progressives
perceive the Hillary candidacy. It's not been about how they
should perceive it or
ought to perceive it. While I do have my opinions and biases on that point, I have only focused on trying to flesh out perceptions of the progressive movement. To go from phenomenology to the facts of the matter would involve opening up several other cans of worms.
You made a point that talking solely about Trump may not convince the voters to flock to Hillary, but to align with third party candidates. So in other words, your point is- attacking Trump is necessary, but not sufficient, as arguments for Hillary. I think that's a fair point. Regardless, due to the reasons I laid out in this post and the earlier one, anti-Trump offense must form an important part of the campaign strategy.